Article 88 … It takes nothing more than a directive to start an investigation of some sort.
It is not obvious that obeying a presidential order to ignore a congressional subpoena bears a relationship to one of the officer’s military duties. particularly Any commissioned officer who uses contemptuous words against the President, the Vice President, Congress, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of a military department, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or the Governor or legislature of any State, Commonwealth, or possession in which he is on duty or present shall be punished as a court-martial may direct.The UCMJ references I heard were all regarding him wearing his dress uniform to testify, not his actual testimony.No, it's not an Article 88, not even close. Further complicating discussions of “duty” is the simple fact that each principal has a legitimate interest in what the other is doing with respect to “their” military. There is no per se violation.A similar UCMJ prohibition, equally vague and encompassing of otherwise constitutionally protected behavior, is Like Article 133, there is no per se manifestation of “conduct unbecoming.” “Whether conduct is of a ‘nature’ to bring discredit upon the armed forces is a question that depends on the facts and circumstances of the conduct.” The only court-martial of which I am aware that implicates known presidential-level disapproval of conduct by a military officer, involving that officer’s public disagreement with politico-military decisions made by the civilian and military chain of command, was that of Gen. “Billy” Mitchell in 1925. As Margaret Taylor has Assuming arguendo that the order survives this prong, the order would still need to bear a relationship to that officer’s official military duty. ]Congressman John Ratcliffe begins questioning Vindman from the perspective of an Article 92 violation {Any commissioned officer who uses contemptuous words against the President, the Vice President, Congress, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of a military department, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or the Governor or legislature of any State, Commonwealth, or possession in which he is on duty or present shall be punished as a court-martial may direct. He has published widely on criminal law and civil-military relations subjects, and is a former prosecutor, appellate counsel, and an Army installation’s chief of military justice. But the gravamen of the offense is something else. His most recent scholarly article, “Paved With Good Intentions? Those are court martial offenses under UCMJ. Article 123 (10 U.S.C. Congress has an interest in keeping the executive branch from assuming too much power relative to its own. But they also implicate well-known, but less understood, duties of confidentiality and candor intrinsic to the principal-agent nature of civil-military relationship.The issues here go far beyond Vindman and raise important concerns regarding the character, health and stability of the contemporary civil-military relationship. Therefore, this matter is not simply a dilemma of “can he be prosecuted?” Much like any other potential prosecution, but amplified by these unusual circumstances, it is also a dilemma of whether he should be.Fortunately, we have at the ready a detailed guide for navigating the moral, legal and practical considerations that feature in such decisions. President Trump, is Lt. Col Vindman’s superior. He’s free to exercise his freedom of speech criticizing the president, but not as a military officer.
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